In an 11th-hour victory, the US Supreme Court ruled against a legal attack against mifepristone – the most important drug in the field of medication abortion and ongoing miscarriage care in the US and beyond. Although this drug has meant safe and reliable termination of pregnancy for decades, its safety record is particularly exemplary, as it is used for about 60-70 per cent of all abortions in the US. This case is not only about reproductive rights, but also an example of legal decisions between reproductive freedoms and scientific approval.
Mifepristone is one of two drugs commonly used in medication abortion – early abortion made possible by the availability of pills. Its approval for use in the US was based on rigorous testing in clinical trials. Like all drugs, it is safe and effective for public use. Mifepristone has made medication abortion available for many years. It is one of the tools, including contraception, that has made reproductive care accessible for millions.
The Supreme Court’s reason for denying these anti-abortion medical groups standing to challenge the FDA’s approval and the relaxation of regulations for mifepristone was simple: they hadn’t shown that they were ‘particularly affected’ by the FDA’s decisions. In the language of law, there was no ‘redressability’. From a public-health perspective, the issue of redressability is simple: to win a legal battle that could influence public health policy and/or access to medical treatments, you have to win with the facts, and that means producing real measurable effects.
Professionals who are personally opposed to abortion are similarly protected under strong federal and state laws on conscience in medicine. This separation between personal conscience and the provision of constitutionally guaranteed medical care means that no medical professional has to provide any care they are opposed to – including mifepristone care. This includes doctors and pharmacists indulging in impossible and absurd speculations about harm. Their claims were so bogus that they were summarily rejected by the court.
Most importantly, the court rejected claims of economic harm and organisational expenses designed to counteract the FDA’s actions on mifepristone as merely speculative and insufficient to satisfy the standing requirement that a plaintiff must have suffered a concrete and particularised injury. That line will be a helpful marker for future litigation about the limits of policy advocacy and organisation spending.
Advocates for reproductive health rights have heralded the ruling as a victory for science and medical integrity over politics. Medication abortion is ‘too important to be left to foes of abortion rights who continue to obstruct access to Mifepristone through the courts,’ said Andrea Miller, president of the National Institute for Reproductive Health in an op-ed. Whatever happened to our longstanding opposition to the use of frivolous litigation to undermine important medical interventions? The attempt to use the courts to block access to mifepristone failed. The SCOTUS decision is being hailed as a ‘victory’ for both reproductive science and for the broader landscape of reproductive rights. Whether or not this ruling guarantees ‘access to meds’ – that’s another question.
The controversy around mifepristone, although it has been extremely polarising, highlights how we desperately need to work towards having more accurate, evidence-based information shared about reproductive health medications – and how, against the backdrop of misinformation and legal challenges, educational efforts and advocacy can be crucial to securing a future in which safe, approved medical interventions are legally vetted and protected. A continued fight for science-based regulation and a legal validation of such precedents serves as a safeguard against the backsliding of reproductive rights and health standards.
And without mifepristone, the central battleground in this litigation, medication abortion would not be safe or effective. The FDA’s clinical approval proves that mifepristone is safe and effective, and denying access would only threaten our ability to take control of our own bodies. The legal response to changing reproductive rights will rely on defending science-based treatments such as mifepristone.
In going this further step and ending the case – with the add-on of the final line in Roberts’s ruling – the court maintained not only reproductive rights access to a critical health resource but established a legal standard to guide such cases in the future. By ensuring that clients can demonstrate harm only when it’s directly to them, and that the injury must be real and not speculative, the court re-affirmed the foundational principles of the integration of evidence-based medicine and the law. For those who continue to champion the role of science and law in the ideological battles of reproductive health policy and access, this Supreme Court ruling is a bright signal of light.
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